Comments on Orlando
Zapata's death, 2/2010
Una Batalla Mundial de Vida o Muerte. Primera Parte, 25/12/09 Alberto Jones: Moore en el contexto de la promocion EE-UU del tema racial
A Worldwide Battle of Life and Death. Part I, 12/25/09 Alberto Jones: Moore in the context of US efforts to promote the racial theme.
Acting On Our Conscience - A
Declaration of African American Support for the Civil Rights Struggle in
Cuba, 12/09 Letter signed by a long list of African Americans,
organized by Carlos Moore.
Why Castro regime fears Obama administration, 12/1/08 Miami Herald
Race and the Cuban Revolution: A Critique of Carlos Moore's "Castro, the Blacks, and Africa" (1991), by Lisa Brock and Otis Cunningham.
Norman Girvan reprints the 1990 "Open Letter to Carlos Moore from Pedro Perez Sarduy" and gets some beautiful comments. 3/09 This letter was an early indication that Carlos Moore had problems telling the truth. We published it on AfroCubaWeb.
Carlos Moore Wedderburn
Reaccion de Carlos Moore sobre las declaraciones del Dr Esteban Morales publicadas en su blog, 12/5/11
(Ver: http://estebanmoralesdominguez.blogspot.com/2011/05/frente-los-retos-del-color-como-parte.html )
|Recientemente, agencias de prensa acreditadas en Cuba,
dieron destaque al artículo “Frente a los retos del color como parte
del debate por el socialismo”, que tuvo cierta repercusión en medios
independientes y anticastristas, como El
Nuevo Herald. El autor del artículo es el académico Esteban Morales
Domínguez, residente en La Habana, y fue publicado en su
blog. En su trabajo, Morales ataca a Carlos Moore, investigador sobre
el tema negro cubano que desde 1963 rompió con el régimen de Fidel
Castro y acerca del cual pueden informarse más en
esta entrevista. Desde Salvador de Bahía, Brasil, donde vive y
trabaja, Moore ha respondido a Morales (Tania Quintero).
El Dr. Esteban Morales es parte de la maquinaria oficial Cubana; siempre lo fue, desde los años sesenta, cuando se graduó de la escuela de cuadros de los Servicios de Inteligencia de Cuba, y lo sigue siendo, aun mas, todavía hoy. Últimamente, el régimen Cubano, porque está en aprietos, le está tratando de forjar una imagen de "líder negro". Eso de su “expulsión” del PCC es una farsa cuyo objetivo es darle credibilidad como “dirigente negro” con el cual el gobierno luego “discutiría” sobre la solución del problema creciente de la oposición negra; lo mas candente y peligroso que está aconteciendo en Cuba. Todo eso es parte de la nueva estrategia que está armando el régimen Cubano, en estos momentos, después e haber fracasado en su intento de represión brutal de la disidencia que emana de la población mayoritaria del país.
Las acusaciones que el Dr. Morales lanza contra mi, son las mismas que utiliza desde hace años el régimen Cubano: que yo sería miembro o, incluso, dirigente de una organización llamada “Alianza Afro-Cubana” (con la cual no tengo vínculo alguno); que yo habría sido “pagado por la CIA” para escribir el libro, Castro, the Blacks and Africa; libro que les quitó la mascara de grandes “liberadores” de los Africanos y puso en pié la cuestión de la opresión racial en Cuba, destruyendo el mito de la “democrácia racial socialista” Cubana.
Son también patrañas cocinadas por el régimen Cubano las alegaciones de que yo habría sido “interprete” del dirigente derechista y reaccionario de Angola, Roberto Holden, al cual yo habría servido de “interprete”. La verdad es que yo nunca conocí a Roberto Holden ni lo ví en mi vida. Todas esas mentiras, cocinadas en la cocina de los servicios de inteligencia de Cuba, se encuentran alojadas en el sitio de Internet AfroCubaWeb - sitio de la izquierda marxista afronorteamericana apoyada por el régimen de Cuba. Según tengo entendido, fue el propio Dr. Morales quien ayudó a implantar ese sitio y quien sirve de fuente principal de todas las desinformaciones que se encuentran en ella. O sea, que estamos delante de un caso típico de desinformación donde el “informante” es, a su vez, el “desinformador”.
Salvador de Bahia. Brasil. 12 de Mayo de 2011
Nunca nosotros hemos hablado de Carlos como miembro de una "Alianza Afro-Cubana", porque no tenemos informes sobre eso. Si, existe un Afro-Cuban Alliance que recibe dinero de la NED. Quizas a Carlos no le gusta los articulos en el sitio vinculandolo a las organizaciones que tienen su apoyo de la plantocracia de Miami y de la NED. Esos articulos son el resulto de investigaciones que cada uno puede reproducir, no tienen nada que ver con un producto cocinado:
Una Batalla Mundial de Vida o Muerte. Primera Parte, 25/12/09 Alberto Jones
A Worldwide Battle of Life and Death. Part I, 12/25/09 Alberto Jones
ACTING ON OUR CONSCIENCE - A DECLARATION OF AFRICAN AMERICAN SUPPORT FOR THE CIVIL RIGHTS STRUGGLE IN CUBA 12/1/2009 A letter organized by Carlos Moore, signed by a number of prominent African Americans who for the first time are allying themselves with the plantocracy in Miami.
Acting on Our Conscience Briefing Sheet: roadmap for Diaspora support of Miami-backed Plantocracy dissidents, Claude Betancourt, 1/6/2010
Ademas hay que notar que el trabajo de Carlos y sus ayudantes alrededor de la carta "Acting on our conscience" se apoya sobre el trabajo de Esteban Morales, y lo citan como referencia sobre la realidad racial en Cuba. Vease el Cuba Briefing Sheet, que viene con la carta Acting on our conscience.
Hay tantos indicaciones que el sitio ese no tiene nada que ver con los servicios cubanos, que solamente alguien que no sabe nada de Cuba, como Carlos, puede creer en un tal delirio paranoico.
La Plantocracia de Miami
Comments on Orlando Zapata's death, 2/2010
Blacks bear the brunt of Cuba's brutality 2/28/2010 Miami Herald: "Zapata's ordeal is being spun from the other side of the coin, too -- the predominantly white and U.S.-based, right-wing anti-Castro opposition who clearly stand to score political points from the case of a black martyr. Righteous declarations can be expected from organizations such as Democracy Movement, the Cuban American National Foundation, the Cuban Liberty Council and, especially, the Cuban Democratic Directorate. Many Cuban civil-rights activists accuse these groups of working to corral and control the new internal opposition forces on behalf of interests linked to Cuba's former Jim Crow oligarchy. That's why they see U.S. Rep. Lincoln Diaz-Balart's ``indignation'' over Zapata's death, as much as president Raúl Castro's ``regrets,'' as a double farce. A staunch supporter of the tiny, white elite of wealth that was overthrown in 1959, Diaz-Balart can cry crocodile tears, but during his time in Congress his right-wing, pro-embargo agenda has only hindered the ability of black Cubans to improve their lot." [Some observers credit Alberto Jones and Claude Betancourt's articles for this historic turn against the Miami Plantocracy, unprecedented, to our knowledge, in any statements by Black Cuban dissident groups.]
Commentary: Against the hijacking of a Cuban martyr 2/24/2010 McClatchy: "Certainly, I do not claim to speak on behalf of Cuba's majority. But I am surely not far from that majority's truth by stating that it can hardly be struggling for the re-empowerment of the tiny, white elite of wealth that was overthrown in 1959. It is that segregationist exiled elite that these so-called anti-Castro groups so distinctly represent. Orlando Zapata Tamayo is dead. He is now a people's martyr. But those who struggled with him and shared his aspirations must not allow this brave and principled man's legacy or memory to be hijacked; certainly not by those who before 1959 despised him for being black and continue to do so in spite of their hypocritical tears. Zapata's legacy belongs to Cuba's future, and not to that of its neo-colonial, segregationist and subservient past."
The relationship between AfroCuban dissidents and the Miami hard right has been explored in
A Worldwide Battle of Life and Death. Part I, 12/25/09 by Alberto Jones
Cuba Briefing Sheet: roadmap for Diaspora support of Miami-backed dissidents, 1/6/2010 by Claude Betancourt
Invoking MLK and Rosa Parks in Cuban Exile Politics, 5/30/09 by Claude Betancourt
Dr. Darsi Ferrer Ramirez: another manipulated dissident? by Claude Betancourt, 12/20/09
In this last two articles we find out that the Cuban Democratic Directorate which Moore singles out for opprobrium is very much tied in to the support for Jorge Luis García Pérez "Antúnez" and Dr. Darsi Ferrer, two leading AfroCuban dissidents. In fact Ferrer was the subject of the petition that Carlos Moore orchestrated among African Americans and Afro-Latins.
James Early has responded to the above Carlos Moore articles in The State of Race in 21st Century Cuban Socialism: Two Opposing Views Outside Cuba, 3/1/10.
Me siento afortunado de haber vivido 2/22/2010 Tania Quintero: Entrevista con Carlos Moore.
«Me siento afortunado de haber vivido» - Carlos Moore, el investigador que luchó contra la manipulación racial del castrismo. 5/11/2009 Cuba Encuentro: "La segunda vez que lo vi [a Fidel Castro], fue en medio de la calle, en La Habana, y aproveché para decirle que no concordaba con lo que él decía, que el racismo había desaparecido en Cuba. Fui a parar ante el Comandante Ramiro Valdés; firmé una "confesión" negando que hubiera racismo en Cuba, y se me envió a un campo de trabajo en Camaguey. Fue en esa ocasión en que, para mi, terminó la luna de miel con el régimen."
CARLOS MOORE: Putting context to Cuba's racial divide 4/21/2009 McClatchy: " Brought to light in 2008, the first comprehensive, officially-sanctioned document addressing the issue of race in Cuba under the Revolution, The Challenges of the Racial Problem in Cuba , paints a stark picture of the situation that exists even now in 2009 for the blacks. This graphic, 385-page document, supported by a bounty of hitherto unpublicized statistics, speaks of neglect, denial, and forceful resurgence of racism in Cuba under Communism. The publication shows a growing impoverishment of the population as a whole, but it emphasizes that black Cubans are disproportionately affected. The old segregationist Cuba is gone, according to this document, yet, somehow the country's leadership continues to be predominantly white (71%). A majority of the country's scientists and technicians are white (72.7%), even though both races have equal rates of education. The same whitening process affects Cuba's universities at the professorial level (80% at the University of La Habana). In the countryside, the land that is privately held is almost totally in the hands of whites (98%), and even in the State cooperatives blacks are almost nonexistent (5%). A robust percentage of able-bodied Cubans with jobs are white, whether male (66.9%) or female (63.8%). In contrast, the overall employment rate of blacks who are fit to work is startlingly low (34.2%). We are left to conclude that most able-bodied black Cubans are unemployed (65.8%)."
Interview with Carlos Moore on Tavis Smiley, 2/10/09
Dr. Carlos Moore is an ethnologist and political scientist, specializing in African, Latin American and Caribbean affairs. He researches and writes on the impact of race and ethnicity on domestic politics and inter-state affairs. Following exile from his native Cuba for opposing the Castro regime's racial policies, Moore has lived and worked in many countries, including the U.S., Senegal and, his current base, Brazil. He holds two doctorates from the University of Paris 7, France and is fluent in five languages.
Some Quick Comments on Carlos Moore's PICHÓN, Walterio Lord Garnés and David González López, 2/09
|Excerpts from www.walterlippmann.com/docs2346.html
...Moore was not only born a black person, but furthermore, the son of immigrant blacks in a very poor area of a country in which racism could be openly expressed. Worse yet, he was the very darkest-skinned among his siblings (only later in life would he learn that he was the product of his mother’s extra-marital love affair).
Black revolution stirring in Cuba
Posted on Wed, Dec. 31, 2008, Miami Herald
Carlos Moore was answered in this and other matters at James Early: Carlos Moore's Outcast Vision and Dangerous Deceit 12/28/2009 AfroCubaWeb
|BY CARLOS MOORE
Since Nov. 4, Cuba has been experiencing a bad case of the Obama Blues. The election of the United States' first African-American president was conspicuously downplayed by the Cuban media. President-elect Barack Obama's victory went unheralded in Granma, the official mouthpiece of both the government and the ruling Communist party; it was relegated to the back pages.
On the streets, however, ordinary Cubans were reported to be exultant. All of a sudden the Cuban people no longer hated the ``enemy.''
This shunning of an event of such global impact may surprise people accustomed to Havana's outspokenness regarding American leaders. In my view, Havana's silence betrays more than uncertainty about Obama's future policies. Cuba, I am inclined to believe, is nervous about the impact that a black president in the White House could have upon its own black population.
On Nov. 15, Fidel Castro, referring to Obama in passing and refraining from mentioning his name, spoke of ''a simple change of leadership in the empire.'' He sneered at those ''who entertain illusions about a possible change in the system.'' However, his uneasiness was already apparent on the eve of the presidential election, when he rather clumsily wrote that, ``Obama, the democratic candidate, is part African, and the color black and other physical traits of that race predominate in him. He is no doubt more intelligent, educated and level headed than his Republican rival.''
Although that off-handed comment may seem trivial, reports from inside Cuba have reinforced my suspicion that, contrary to the sentiments of the streets, the Cuban regime is experiencing great discomfort with the turn of events in the United States. Anthropologist Maria Ileana Faguagua Iglesias reports a racist outburst toward Obama by a Communist Party official and former military officer: ''He will be the worst ever American president,'' said this apparatchik, ``because he is a Negro, and they are worse than the whites!''
What is eating away at Cuba's leaders? Very little makes sense without knowledge of Cuba's demographic metamorphosis from a white to a black majority in the space of half a century. The black population was 35-45 percent of the total Cuban population when Castro triumphed 50 years ago. Four years later, the panicky flight of some 15-20 percent of the island's white population, fearing the new regime's sweeping socialist reforms, left Castro at the head of a country with a de facto black majority. For the next five decades, the darkening shade of Cubans would increase steadily and create unanticipated problems for the social reformers who launched the Revolution.
Cuba has maintained that the Revolution eradicated racism, abolished discrimination and established a unique ''racial democracy.'' However, in 1994, in the overwhelmingly black area along the seafront in Central Havana, angry, rock-throwing crowds took to the streets, shattered windows and attacked the police. The regime shuddered; this was the closest thing to a race riot Cuba had seen since the Revolution. Only Castro's arrival at the scene kept the violence from escalating out of control.
Cuba reacted to this explosion by allowing a mini-exodus of more than 32,000 predominantly black rafters to leave for South Florida, thereby presenting the Clinton administration with a near-crisis. In the absence of the charismatic Castro and with the presence of a widely admired black president in the White House, might the occurrence of another such racially charged event spin out of control?
Judging from signals coming out of Cuba, the leadership fears so and may be wary of Obama's proposed open-door policy. Cuba does have reason to fear. Brought to light in 2008, the first official document addressing the issue of race in Cuba under the Revolution, ''The Challenges of the Racial Problem in Cuba,'' paints a stark picture of the real situation of blacks in Cuba 50 years after the Revolution. Although Cuba's downtrodden benefited from the social benefits in education and health that the Revolution introduced, this graphic, 385-page document, supported by a bounty of hitherto unpublicized statistics, speaks of neglect, denial and the powerful resurgence of racism in Cuba under Communism.
The old segregationist Cuba is gone, but the country's leadership continues to be predominantly white (71 percent), according to this document. The publication shows a growing impoverishment of the population as a whole, but it emphasizes that black Cubans are disproportionately affected. In the countryside, the land is almost totally in the hands of whites (98 percent). A robust percentage of able-bodied Cubans with jobs are white, whether male (66.9 percent) or female (63.8 percent). In contrast, the employment rate of blacks who are fit to work is startlingly low (34.2 percent). We are left to conclude that most able-bodied black Cubans are unemployed (65.8 percent). The statistics show that a majority of the country's scientists and technicians are white (72.7 percent), even though both races have equal rates of education.
What has caused such racial disparities after five decades of radical change? Blacks overwhelmingly blamed ''racial discrimination'' in hiring and promotion (60.8 percent) for these stark contrasts. An overwhelming majority of Cubans of both races agreed that ''racial prejudice continues to be current on the island'' (75 percent). Ironically, among whites the disparities were attributed to blacks being ''less intelligent than whites'' (58 percent) and ''devoid of decency'' (69 percent).
Mounting frustrations explain why a growing number of black Cubans (currently estimated at 16 percent) favor the creation of specifically black political parties to achieve equality. The 1.5 million-strong Cuban-American community, of which a significant portion in South Florida voted for Barack Obama (35 percent), is watching things closely. Many, especially the younger generation, have forsaken the racial bigotry of their parents and evinced a growing awareness that the predominantly white face (85 percent) of the Cuban-American community is a political liability in a Cuba that is predominantly black.
Lifting the current ban on travel to Cuba and on sending of remittances to the island would incite hundred of thousands of these moderate Cuban Americans, as well as other U.S. tourists, to travel to the island and spread the news about a changing America where whites will be a dwindling minority in the coming decades, where democracy works and where minorities are making healthy strides toward gaining power and wealth while creating the basis for a truly multi-racial society.
Such circumstances would place unbearable strain on the regime's ideological armor. Many analysts believe that the Castro regime is not prepared for that Brave New World and may find it threatening. An open-door policy toward the island and the lifting of the embargo measures that President-elect Obama has promised would ultimately discredit and potentially destabilize the regime. Simply put, an Obama administration would dissolve the anti-American posture that has united Cubans around their government for the past fifty years.
Cuba's race question is bound to become a core civil rights issue in Cuban-American relations. Not without reason, the post-Fidel leadership has already begun to warn of what it calls a possible ''new form of ideological confrontation'' and fret over the possibility of what it calls ''racial subversion'' waged by the United States. I believe the post-Fidel managerial elites fully understand that the only way for them to hang on to power is to consolidate support among the majority population, which implies broadening black participation in the political leadership, the economy, the media and cultural institutions. In the current circumstances, to continue disregarding the racial aspirations of the black majority, as has been done in the past, would be tantamount to suicide.
The bottom line is that racism is Cuba's most intractable problem. Only an arrangement implying effective power sharing between the island's two dominant groups can prepare the ground for a reversal of Cuba's socio-racial conundrum. This would call for an entirely new institutional framework that includes the reinvigoration of civil society, the implementation of robust racial affirmative action policies in all spheres, the revival of independent cultural and social institutions, an independent media and free press and the existence of autonomous political movements, associations and parties.
None of this is possible without a profound revamping of society, the establishment of the rule of law by an impartial judiciary that enforces respect for internationally accepted norms of civil and human rights, the holding of a national referendum whereby Cubans may freely determine the sort of society under which they wish to live and the holding of national multi-party elections for all elective offices. Paradoxically, the example set by the once-considered arch-rival United States has become attractive to Cuba's have-nots and may now act as further incentive to press for democratic changes. Cubans evince a growing interest in the civil-rights movement that paved the way for what many call the ``Obama miracle.''
As black Cubans draw a balance sheet of their gains and losses under the Revolution, comparing them with the steady strides of African-Americans in the wake of the Civil Rights movement of the 1960s, they may find many reasons to feel cheated. Cuba's leaders may, therefore, have cause to fret over a reinvigorated American democracy and the restoration of U.S. prestige in the world. Cubans are less likely now than ever to believe that the United States is bent on invading them or restoring the hated white rulers of old. The latter, too, have been visited by change, as the aging, die-hard and ultra-right anti-Castro militants give way to liberal-minded Cuban Americans more concerned about success in America as citizens than commitments to doomed crusades on behalf of former racial entitlements or the recovery of their grandparents' former luxury mansions.
A black American president whose moderate and humane views have garnered worldwide sympathy and support sharply undercuts the legitimacy of a 50-year-old confrontational policy that relied heavily on mass black support. The unfreezing of American-Cuban relations, which Obama has also promised, may indeed prove threatening to a leadership that may be looking at the future through the barrel of its own gun. Suddenly, all of the claims the Castro regime has made over the years to buttress its resistance to change seem to be unraveling. A black man in the White House may predictably accelerate the ticking of Cuba's social reform clock.
So, does Cuba have an Obama problem? The answer is a resounding yes.
Carlos Moore, ethnologist and political scientist, wrote Pichón: Race and Revolution in Castro's Cuba.
|Castro, the Blacks, and Africa, 1989, (Afro-American Culture and Society, Vol 8)
by Carlos Moore Click for pricing & to buy ==>
|African Presence in the Americas by Carlos Moore (Editor), Tanya R. Saunders (Editor), Shawna Moore (Editor), Tanya R. Sanders (Editor) Click for pricing & to buy ==>|
|Fela, Fela : This Bitch of a Life by Carlos Moore Published 1985 (Publisher Out Of Stock)<|
|Cuban Race Relations (1991) also out of stock|
Some Quick Comments on Carlos Moore's PICHÓN by Walterio Lord Garnés and David González López 2/15/2009 Walter Lipmann: "Walterio Lord Garnés [Havana, 1948] and David González López [Havana, 1947] are collaborators attached to the Centro de Estudios de África y Medio Oriente in Havana and to the University of Havana’s Cátedra “Amílcar Cabral” de Estudios Africanos. They have written dissertations at home and abroad and published works about African and Afro-Cuban cultures in Cuban and foreign publications. Because Walterio Lord’s father was born in Barbados, since birth he was affectionately/jokingly called pichón de barbadense or pichón de jamaiquino. David González recalls that, because his grandfather came from the Canary Islands, his father was affectionately/jokingly called Pichón de isleño."
For a great background article, see A Worldwide Battle of Life and Death. Part I, 12/25/09 Alberto Jones
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