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New Jersey and the Nazis
by Hans Wolff, August, 1998

There have been persistent reports of a Nazi subculture in the New Jersey State Police, which has long had a reputation for violence and racism. Recently, the State Police was the subject of a review article in the New York Times, which cited years of allegations and a landmark court ruling concerning their racist bias in stopping Black and Latino motorists.[1]

When the Black Liberation Army leader Assata Shakur was captured and shot in the back with her hands up by New Jersey troopers in 1973, she was under their guard for several days, as she writes in Assata: an Autobiography [2]:

Herr Hitler"When they changed shift, the two troopers would salute the sergeant. Some saluted an army salute, but others saluted like the Nazis did in Germany. They held their hands in front of them and clicked their heels. I couldn't believe it. One day one of them came in and gave me a speech about how he fought in World War II on the wrong side. He went on and on and there was no question that he believed everything he said.... Every day he gave me a speech about nazism. Sometimes other nazis would join in. I asked him if there were a lot of nazis in the state troopers, but he just laughed and kept on talking.

... I later learned that the state troopers in new jersey was started by a German, that their uniforms were patterned after some type of German uniform (very similar to the uniforms South African police wear), that they are notorious for stopping Black, Hispanic, and long-haired people on the turnpike and beating, harassing, and arresting them.

The nazis headed the harassment campaign against me. They spit in my food and turned down the thermostat in the room until it was freezing. For a while their campaign centered on keeping me from sleeping. They stamped their feet on the floor, sang songs all night, played with their guns, shouted, etc."[2]

What lies behind this grotesque experience whose details, including the songs, reveal a certain authenticity? Let's take a look.

Norman Schwarzkopf, Senior

The New Jersey State Police was founded in 1921 by Colonel Norman Schwarzkopf, Sr., who served in both world wars and was father to General Norman Schwarzkopf of Gulf War fame. While General Shalikashvili, the outgoing US Chief of Staff, is proud of his Wafen SS father, the Schwarzkopfs emmigrated to the US long before the rise of Nazism, are not known to have voiced Nazi leanings, and were a respected part of the substantial German-American community in New Jersey.

However, an important segment of the New Jersey Germans were pro-Nazi before the war and also gave safe haven to Nazis after the war. As we will see, these Nazis also included Eastern Europeans and Russians, such as the elite and largely White Russian SS VorKommando Moskau, which organized the killings of Jews and Slavs in Nazi occupied Eastern Europe and Russia. Many members of the VorKommando Moskau were resettled in New Jersey by the US Government, shepherded by such stellar figures as Richard Nixon and J. Edgar Hoover, who considered these people to be stalwart anti-communist warriors and outstanding Republican vote getters. [3]

Back to Schwarzkopf: he was the founder and the first superintendent of the N.J. State Police, and played a key role in the Lindbergh kidnapping investigation and the Hauptmann trial. A West Point graduate and WWI veteran, he organized the State Police right after WWI. He returned to military service in WWII, rising to the rank of Brigadier General. Later he served abroad and organized the police force of Iran, then an ally of the U.S. There his son, Norman Jr., formed his first impressions of the Middle East.

The police Schwarzkopf Sr. organized in Iran was the dreaded SAVAK, the Shah's brutal secret police who tortured and murdered with a free hand. A recent book, "Lifting the Veil: Life in Revolutionary Iran" by John Simpson & Tira Shubart [4], describes Schwarzkopf"s role in Iran:

'I owe my throne to God, my people, my army --and to you!' The Shah was speaking to Kermit Roosevelt, the Central Intelligence Agency representative in Tehran. ... he certainly owed his throne to the success of Operation AJAX on 19 August 1953.

Faced with a powerful constitutional threat from his prime minister and political enemy, Dr Mohammed Mossadeq, the Shah briefly lost his nerve and fled the country when the soldiers sent to arrest his prime minister were overpowered and captured.

Kermit Roosevelt's book (Countercoup: The Struggle for the Control of Iran, reissued in 1979 [5]), together with recently declassified documents, have revealed further details about the coup. Using money that had been brought into Iran a few months earlier by General Norman Schwarzkopf, Senior, Roosevelt set about buying the support he needed. Bribing key officers in the police and army, and organizing partisan crowds from the bazaar with the help of British intelligence agents, he instructed them to attack mosques and pull down statues of the Shah while shouting slogans in support of Mossadeq.

Two weeks later, Roosevelt used the same crowd of soldiers and bazaaris to demonstrate their revulsion against such 'communist' action. Obediently, they demanded Mossadeq's overthrow and chanted slogans in favour of the Shah. Meanwhile the Imperial guards attacked the prime minister's house, killing around three hundred of his supporters.

General Zahedi, who had been chosen by the Americans and the British to take over from Mossadeq as prime minister, waited in the safety of the American Embassy until the fighting ended. Then he made a suitably triumphant appearance on a Sherman tank. The Shah, his courage and his throne restored, flew back to Tehran to crowds of thousands of cheering demonstrators. It was one of the most cost-efficient operations the United States ever conducted in Iran: a mere $100,000 was needed to bribe the crowd and the security forces, and the remainder of the million dollars which General Schwarzkopf had brought into the country was not required." [4]

First Shwarzkopf Sr. acted as bag man to help overthrow the elected Iranian government, then he trained the Shah's feared secret police, the SAVAK.  His memory is revered among New Jersey state troopers and his son continues to come celebrate anniversaries of the organization's founding.

The German community in New Jersey

The Schwarzkopfs, whose name literally means "black head" in German, were part of a German community that was already thriving in 1920s New Jersey and continues to do so today. There are no fewer than 33 German cultural clubs listed in New Jersey in Cynthia Zorn's comprehensive web site: http://mars.superlink.net/czorn. Some of the clubs go back to the 20's.

In the years prior to World War II, when Nazism was on the rise, the New York - New Jersey area had a strong pro-Nazi organization called the German American Bund. They had a camp in northern New Jersey which was the scene of some large rallies:

Herr Hitler "In 1937, the German-American Bund Auxiliary purchased approximately 200 acres and several buildings near Lake Iliff in Andover Township. On July 18, 1937, Camp Nordland opened with a parade of 500 "bundists" and a beer blast consisting of kegs of predominately German beer. The camp received the immediate attention and opposition of local farmers, the Anti-Nazi League, and local law enforcement.

One of several metropolitan area facilities, the Camp's purpose was to cultivate the political loyalty of German-Americans in light of the ongoing events in Germany and in the rest of Europe in the days leading to World War II. An estimated 1000 German-American residents from New York City and surrounding areas arrived at Nordland every weekend to participate in political rallies, speeches, and German fun.

One particularly noteworthy event held at Camp Nordland was an "Americanism" rally, allegedly conducted in conjunction with the Ku Klux Klan, that attracted an estimated crowd of 50,000 persons. Although the KKK publicly stressed their opposition to movements of an alien origin, they could not resist the temptation of sharing in the purse of this well attended event." [6]

This New Jersey propensity towards supporting the Nazi cause continues today. We have the recent case of Hans Schmidt who was arrested by the German police for Nazi propaganda. The Hans Schmidt Defense Committee is listed in Green Brook, New Jersey. [7] New Jersey continues to harbor both Nazi and Klan meetings while in New Jersey jails, the Aryan Brotherhood and the Aryan Sisterhood have the run of various facilities. If a prisoner is a problem, prison authorities can easily shunt him or her to cell blocks controlled by these organizations and appropriate measures will be taken.

Standard Oil of New Jersey: Exxon’s role in the rise of Nazism

Standard Oil of New Jersey, which later renamed itself Esso, then Exxon, was a major player in the foreign support of Nazi Germany from the 30's all the way into 1942. [8]

At the eve of World War II, the major stockholder in Standard Oil after the Rockerfellers was I.G. Farben, the German chemical combine, a major financial backer of Hitler and later heavily involved in using slave labor from the concentration camps. This investment was part of a pattern of reciprocal investments between the US and Germany during the Nazi years, in the midst of the Great Depression. Germany was viewed as a hot investment area.

One area of support Standard Oil provided was in tetraethyl lead, which was used in aviation gasoline. The Nazi air force "couldn't fly without it. "Only Standard, Du Pont, and General Motors had rights to it." Walter C. Teagle, president of Standard Oil of New Jersey (the largest petroleum corporation in the world in 1941), "helped to organize a sale of the precious substance" in 1938, 500 tons, from Ethyl, a British Standard subsidiary, to Hermann Schmitz of I.G. Farben, a large German chemical firm and major financial backer of Hitler. Then in 1939, "Schmitz and his partners returned to London and obtained $15 million worth." [9]

After the war started in Europe and the British were angry about U.S. shipments to Nazi Germany, Standard Oil "changed the registration of the entire fleet to Panamanian to avoid British seizure or search. His vessels carried oil to Tenerife in the Canary Islands, where they refueled and siphoned oil to German tankers for shipment to Hamburg." [10]

On March 31, 1941, "the State Department stepped into the picture with a detailed report on refueling stations in Mexico and Central and South America that were suspected of furnishing oil to Italian or German merchant vessels now in port. Among those fueling enemy ships were Standard Oil of New Jersey and California. There is no record of any action being taken on this matter." [11]

We need more information on Standard Oil's role in New Jersey and how that developed over time. An international company, New Jersey was their back yard and Standard Oil execs could well have been among the good Republicans who were involved in bringing the Nazis in after World War II. In fact, Nelson Rockefeller was heavily involved in getting Nazis to freedom and covering up their escape after World War II. [12]

Standard Oil New Jersey participated in many quite complex schemes to aid and abet the enemy during World War II, of which we can only offer a limited glimpse here.

The Republicans bring the Nazis to the US

Allen Dulles was attorney for Standard Oil and IG Farben as well as for a number of Americans investing in the Nazis. Dulles had as protege one Richard Nixon... The web they wove is complex and the best thing is to read some of the books that have painstakingly documented this in great detail after much research with primary material obtained through the Freedom of Information Act and many interviews.

A sample of this kind of history is recounted by John Loftus and Mark Aaron in their book, The Secret War Against the Jews: "According to several of our sources among the 'old spies,' Richard Nixon's political career began in 1945, when he was the navy officer temporarily assigned to review . . . captured Nazi documents." The documents revealed the wartime record of Karl Blessing, "former Reichsbank officer and then head of the Nazi oil cartel, Kontinentale Ol A.G. 'Konti' was in partnership with [Allen] Dulles's principal Nazi client, I.G. Farben. Both companies had despicable records regarding their treatment of Jews during the Holocaust. After the war Dulles not only 'lost' Blessings' Nazi party records, but he helped peddle a false biography in the ever-gullible New York Times."

Not only did Dulles help cover up his Nazi client's record, he "personally vouched for Blessing as an anti-Nazi in order to protect continued control of German oil interests in the Middle East. Blessing's Konti was the Nazi link to Ibn Saud [King of Saudi Arabia] and Aramco [the Arabian- American Oil Company]. If Blessing went down, he could have taken a lot of people with him, including Allen Dulles. The cover-up worked, except that U.S. Naval Intelligence scrutinized a set of the captured Konti records."

Dulles made a deal with the navy officer who was reviewing the Konti files - Richard Nixon. For Nixon's help in burying the Konti files, Dulles "arranged to finance [Nixon's] first congressional campaign against Jerry Voorhis." [13]

Dulles's support for Nixon was rewarded in 1947 when, as the freshman congressman from California, he "saved John Foster Dulles considerable embarrassment by privately pointing out that confidential government files showed that one of Foster's foundation employees, Alger Hiss, was allegedly a Communist. The Dulles brothers took Nixon under their wing and escorted him on a tour of Fascist 'freedom fighter' operations in Germany, apparently in anticipation that the young congressman would be useful after Dewey became president." [14]

After Truman's victory, "Nixon became Allen Dulles's mouthpiece in Congress. Both he and Senator Joseph McCarthy received volumes of classified information to support the charge that the Truman administration was filled with 'pinkos.' When McCarthy went too far in his Communist investigations, it was Nixon who worked with his next-door neighbor, CIA director Bedell Smith, to steer the investigations away from the intelligence community.

"The CIA was grateful for Nixon's assistance, but did not know the reason for it. Dulles had been recruiting Nazis under the cover of the State Department's Office of Policy Coordination, whose chief, Frank Wisner, had systematically recruited the Eastern European emigre networks that had worked first for the SS, then the British, and finally Dulles.

"The CIA did not know it, but Dulles was bringing them to the United States less for intelligence purposes than for political advantage. The Nazis' job quickly became to get out the vote for the Republicans. One Israeli intelligence officer joked that when Dulles used the phrase 'Never Again,' he was not talking about the Holocaust but about Dewey's narrow loss to Truman. In the eyes of the Israelis, Allen Dulles was the demon who infected Western intelligence with Nazi recruits.

"In preparation for the 1952 Eisenhower-Nixon campaign, the Republicans formed an Ethnic Division, which, to put it bluntly, recruited the 'displaced Fascists' who arrived in the United States after World War II. Like similar migrant organizations in several Western countries, the Ethnic Division attracted a significant number of Central and Eastern European Nazis, who had been recruited by the SS as political and police leaders during the Holocaust. These Fascist emigres supported the Eisenhower-Nixon 'liberation' policy as the quickest means of getting back into power in their former homelands and made a significant contribution 'in its first operation (1951/1952).'"

Nazi hunters Loftus and Aarons point out that "over the years the Democrats had acquired one or two Nazis of their own, such as Tscherim Soobzokov, a former member of the Caucasian SS who worked as a party boss in New Jersey. But in 90 percent of the cases, the members of Hitler's political organization went to the Republicans. In fact, from the very beginning, the word had been put around among Eastern European Nazis that Dulles and Nixon were the men to see, especially if you were a rich Fascist . . ." [15]

Nixon and Dulles "blamed Governor Dewey's razor-thin loss to Truman in the 1948 presidential election on the Jewish vote. When he became Eisenhower's vice president in 1952, Nixon was determined to build his own ethnic base." A base covering many nationalities who could help the Republicans win votes, such as the Croatians and the Russians.

"The foreign language-speaking Croatian and other Fascist emigre groups had a ready-made network for contacting and mobilizing the Eastern European ethnic bloc. There is a very high correlation between CIA domestic subsidies to Fascist 'freedom fighters' during the 1950s and the leadership of the Republican party's ethnic campaign groups. The motive for under-the-table financing was clear: Nixon used Nazis to offset the Jewish vote for the Democrats.

"In 1952 Nixon had formed an Ethnic Division within the Republican National Committee. 'Displaced Fascists, hoping to be returned to power by an Eisenhower-Nixon "liberation" policy signed on' with the committee. In 1953, when Republicans were in office, the immigration laws were changed to admit Nazis, even members of the SS. They flooded into the country. Nixon himself oversaw the new immigration program. As vice president, he even received Eastern European Fascists in the White House. After a long, long journey, the Croatian Nazis had found a new home in the United States, where they reestablished their networks.

"In 1968 Nixon promised that if he won the presidential election, he would create a permanent ethnic council within the Republican party. Previously the Ethnic Division was allowed to surface only during presidential campaigns. Nixon's promise was carried out after the 1972 election, during [George] Bush's tenure as chairman of the Republican National Committee. The Croatian Ustashis became an integral part of the campaign structure of Republican politics, along with several other Fascist organizations." [16]

Nixon was strongly pro-Nazi: "Nixon himself personally recruited ex-Nazis for his 1968 presidential campaign. Moreover, Vice President Nixon became the point man for the Eisenhower administration on covert operations and personally supervised Allen Dulles's projects while Ike was ill in 1956 and 1957." [17]

The Republicans' attraction to Nazism was also observed by Robert J. Groden and Harrison Edward Livingstone, authors of the book, "High Treason," dealing with the Kennedy Assassination. Groden and Livingstone write: "Nixon surrounded himself with what was known as the Berlin Wall, a long succession of advisors with Germanic names: We recall at the top of his 'German General Staff' as it was also known, Haldeman, Erlichman, Krogh, Kliendienst, Kissinger (the Rockefellers' emissary) and many others.

"The selection of German names was no accident. Many of the brighter staff people close to Nixon came to him from the University of Southern California, and the University of California at Los Angeles, where there were fraternities that kept alive the vision of a new Reich. America has for a long time harbored this dark side of its character, one of violence and the Valhalla of Wagner and Hitler.

"But Gordon Liddy was the one in whose mind 'Triumph of the Will' was the most alive. Some of these men would watch the great Nazi propaganda films in the basement of the White House until all hours of the night, and drink, in fact, get drunk with their power, with blind ambition, as one of them wrote." [18]

"According to several of our sources in the intelligence community who were in a position to know," continue Loftus and Aarons, "the secret rosters of the Republican party's Nationalities Council read like a Who's Who of Fascist fugitives. The Republican's Nazi connection is the darkest secret of the Republican leadership. The rosters will never be disclosed to the public...the Fascist connection is too widespread for damage control.

According to a 1988 study by Russ Bellant of Political Research Associates in Cambridge, Massachusetts, virtually all of the Fascist organizations of World War II opened up a Republican party front group during the Nixon administration. The level of the Republican ethnic leaders can be gauged by a New Jersey man, Emanuel Jasiuk, a notorious mass murderer from what is today called the independent nation of Belarus, formerly part of the Soviet Union. But not all American ethnic communities are represented in the GOP's Ethnic Heritage Council section; there are no black or Jewish heritage groups. . . .Bellant has written a comprehensive study of this phenomenon, well worth a look. [19]

Even before the break-in at the Democratic Party Headquarters on June 17, 1972, the Republicans were on the brink of having their pro-Nazi activities over the past four decades come out in the mass-media. After the Watergate break-in, as the Congressional Hearings began to reveal the slush-funds, money-laundering, illegal corporate campaign contributions, the political sabotage of the 1972 Presidential election process, and many other aspects of Nixonism, the floodgates of truth were about to open. Only one thing averted: Nixon's resignation and his pardon by his successor Gerald Ford.

South River, New Jersey: VorKommando Moskau’s new home

One of the most brutal groups ever to settle in New Jersey since the English killed the Indians was the VorKommando Moskau, originally formed by the SS as they advanced into Eastern Europe and recruited White Russians fleeing their homeland. "VorKommando Moskau was an elite forward unit of SS intelligence on the Soviet front. Its primary mission was anti-Communist intelligence, but it was also responsible for security screening of the occupied populations in the broad sector of the Eastern Front... VorKommando Moskau did not kill the Jews. [Or the Slavs, who were also slaughtered in large numbers.] It hired the collaborators, who recruited the executioners, who killed the Jews. From 1940 to 1942 this one small unit acted as an employment agency for the architects of the Nazi genocide in Eastern Europe." They primarily hired Eastern Europeans. [20]

During his tenure as Nazi hunter in the Justice Department, John Loftus discovered how the White Russians in the VorKommando Moskau were heavily recruited by the US government to fight the Soviets and how all documentation of their Nazi past was well hidden from prying eyes. "Many of the White Russian Nazis had been resettled en masse in the town of South River, New Jersey." [21] Allen Dulles and Bill Casey, who was later Reagan’s CIA director, resettled most of the Vorkommando Moskau’s elite leadership group in the New York - New Jersey area. [22] In April, 1998 it was discovered that Casey sought for and received a dispensation from the Justice Department so that CIA officers would not have to reveal drug trafficking on the part of their contract workers and this 6 months before large scale trafficking began in support of the Nicaraguan Contras. Casey was an old pro at sanitizing the unmentionable.

In 1950, the FBI "recruited every White Russian Nazi it could find in the New York - New Jersey area." When in the 60’s a New York reporter, Charles Allen, began his accusations that Nazis were living in the US, the FBI investigated him and labeled him a Russian pawn. [23] It would be interesting to find out about the role of these Nazis in Hoover’s COINTELPRO operations against the Black Panthers and others.

Given the massive settlement of Nazis in New Jersey, it would not at all be surprising if some number of them found their way into the State Police. After all, police work was what they were professionally suited for, what they had done for years prior to coming to the US.  We can also expect the Nazis to have found jobs as corrections officers in a prison system which has shown itself remarkably tolerant of the Aryan Brotherhood and Sisterhood.

The New Jersey State Police’s war on Blacks and Latinos

In an article appearing in the New York Times on Sunday, May 10, 1998 entitled "Van Shooting Revives Charges of Racial 'Profiling' by N.J. State Police," journalist John Kifner talks about how "The furor over an incident in which two New Jersey State Police officers fired 11 shots into a van during a traffic stop comes against a backdrop of years of allegations that troopers in New Jersey have illegally used race-based profiles to stop black and Hispanic drivers in hope of making drug arrests."

As the article discussed, this case is related to a court case that led a Superior Court judge to conclude in 1996 that the New Jersey State Police had a policy of "selective enforcement" by "targeting blacks for investigation and arrest."

The article describes the findings of the 1996 trial:

"The ruling followed one of the state's longest evidentiary hearings -- six months of testimony and 200 exhibits, many of them statistical surveys of drivers and traffic stops on the southernmost 26-mile stretch of the New Jersey Turnpike. Judge Robert Francis found that troopers looking for drug suspects had pulled over an inordinate number of black drivers over a three-year period simply because of their race.

The survey first determined that some 98 percent of all the drivers along the stretch of the turnpike were going over the speed limit of 55 miles per hour, giving the police latitude to stop virtually anybody. The survey found that while 13.5 percent of the drivers on the stretch of highway were black, 46 percent of those halted by the police over a 40-month period were black.

"They were pulling over blacks out of all proportion to the population of the turnpike," said Fred Last, a public defender who helped design the survey. Francis agreed, saying: "The statistical disparities are indeed stark." He added that the "utter failure" of police commanders to monitor the arrests or "investigate the many claims of institutional discrimination, manifests its indifference if not acceptance."

One striking result of the survey, both the judge and Lamberth noted, was that troopers using radar tended to stop black drivers at near their rate in the highway population, while the troopers on road patrol cruising without radar, who could more freely choose who to stop, arrested far more blacks.

"As they got more discretion, they stopped more blacks," Lamberth said. "It is a telling argument that they are profiling. They get promoted on the basis of the number of arrests they make, and there is the general mythology that blacks are more likely than whites to have contraband." [1]

The New Jersey State Police’s war on Assata Shakur

Assata Shakur is a Black Panther and Black Liberation Army leader who was captured after a shoot-out on the New Jersey Turnpike in 1973. Forensic evidence revealed that she was shot in the back with her hands up. Killed in the shoot-out were Zayed Malik Shakur and Voerner Foerster, a New Jersey trooper of German extraction. A paraffin test revealed that she had not fired a weapon.

First the troopers debated finishing her off at the road side, but they thought she was going to die anyway. When she didn’t, they tortured her, hitting her in her wound with their gun-butts. This is a classic Gestapo tactic, according to a member of a French Resistance family who reviewed the case for us. (For an interesting summary of Nazi behavior towards blacks in Germany, see a review of Hitler's Forgotten Victims by David Okuefuna and Moise Shewa.)

After railroading Assata and convicting her of the murder of Foerster, the New Jersey State Police was demoralized and dismayed when she escaped in 1979. They became obsessed with her recapture, as has come out in countless testimony, such as this letter from a New Jersey State employee:

"I felt it should be known of the hatred that is programmed by the New Jersey State Police Academy to the new Troopers. They are programmed Assata is the number ONE criminal, and should be apprehended at all cost. I am a New Jersey State Employee, I just happen to be in [a medical setting] one day, I was advising a [campus] Police Officer of Assata's Book, informing him of some of its positive contents.

Unknown to me at that particular time there was a N.J. State Trooper in our presence just about two feet around a corner. The trooper just happen to hear our conversation regarding my positive feelings on the book. [Later], my partner ask me what did I do the that particular State Trooper, I asked my partner what did he mean by the question, he in turn went on to explain the Trooper confronted him ... and told him I had a serious problem, and had better watch myself, I can possibly get myself into serious trouble with my attitude. Keep in mind the only problem I had was to mention to a Police Officer who happened to be black of the very positive content of book, in which a N.J. Trooper just happened to be at ear distance.

I did everything to maintain my cool, a Sgt.Trooper who happened to be black heard our conversation, he ask me what was the debate about and I went on to explain to him of the trooper hearing my conversation about the book. He stated the trooper was totally wrong but that’s the way they are programmed.

For some reason I had to get this out, this happened approximately two years ago. I saw the hatred in this particular trooper eyes, the trooper couldn't have been any older than 24 years of age, but the rage of anger and hatred was glaring deeply into my soul. "

In addition, we have reports that the New Jersey troopers are still looking for Assata on the New Jersey Turnpike, despite the fact that she left the country over a decade ago. Every barracks has a wanted poster of Assata on the walls. They have arrested a number of innocent black women drivers, including a civil rights attorney, claiming that they are wanted for murder.

Finally, in their obsession, the State Police wrote a letter to the Pope in December, 1997, asking His Holiness to intervene with Fidel Castro during his visit to Cuba, where Assata Shakur has found refuge. It is a letter one observer likens to "something an inmate in a back ward would do out of the depth of his delusional state." The letter succeeded in raising the visibility of Shakur’s situation, and now Republican Governor Christie has gotten into the act by increasing the reward for bringing in Shakur to $50,000. This reward, which has been compared to the bounty on escaped slaves, will encourage the crazies and the bounty hunters. 

The Future

The author would like to appeal to those who have information bearing on these matters to make it known. We are finally beginning to understand some of the background of New Jersey law enforcement and it is important that this be aired in public and that information be reliably assembled and made available to attorneys.

Already, as  a result of posting this article, we have had some interesting feedback, including this one:

"When I was training with the NJ State Police back in the early 80's I left after 10 weeks because of their Nazi Training style and the number of Nazi recruits who did not hide it even then. They were very open about their HATE and it was the main reason that I lost interest in joining. I was personally threatened by 6 of them when I was alone and was told that they would be watching for me on the Highways.

So I know you are telling the Truth.

Peace!!!"

We encourage more folks to come forward with their testimony.

The books cited in this article are part of a sizeable literature on this subject, yet many people remain unaware. The literature is the result of careful research and deserves to be integrated into the teaching of history. The impact of this history continues through us and we have to deal with that not by denying and ignoring it but by bringing out all the implications.

Republican Rep Bob Franks and Republican Governor Christie Whitman need to be aware that issuing a $50,000 reward for bounty hunters in the case of Assata Shakur only perpetuates the grotesque and shameful past of their party in New Jersey. Ironically, Gov Whitman has been shunned by the traditionally Republican "fox-hunting" set in New Jersey as she lowered taxes, which resulted in an increase in real estate taxes to compensate for lost revenue. This stung the rich land owners. She then turned to other constituents, such as the Nazi tinged law and order crowd and the Cuban American extreme right. The Cuban Americans are a varied community but they have been hijacked in New Jersey and Miami by a CIA sponsored leadership with extreme right wing tendencies which hark back to Franco’s Falangist party. Whitman is thus reviving the old war-time alliance between the Nazis and Franco’s Spain. Is this really a recipe for the future?

This article is dedicated to the memory of my ancestors who fought the Nazis and killed a great many of them.
(c) 1998 by Hans Wolff. 

Footnotes

[1]"Van Shooting Revives Charges of Racial 'Profiling' by N.J. State Police," by John Kifner, New York Times, Sunday, May 10, 1998

[2] Assata: An Autobiography by Assata Shakur, Lawrence Hill Books, Chicago Review Press, Inc., Chicago IL, ISBN 0-55652-074-3       Click for pricing & to buy  ==> Amazon.com 

[3] The Secret War against the Jews: How Western Espionage Betrayed the Jewish People by John Loftus and Mark Aaron, St. Martin's Griffin, NY, 1994, ISBN 0-312-15648-0  Click for pricing & to buy  ==> Amazon.com 

[4] Lifting the Veil: Life in Revolutionary Iran by John Simpson & Tira Shubart, Hodder & Stoughton, London, 1995

[5] Countercoup: The Struggle for the Control of Iran, by Kermit Roosevelt, reissued in 1979

[6] See http://www.sussexcounty.com/campnord.htm and Wunderlich's Salute by Marvin D. Miller, Malamud-Rose Publishers, 1983.

[7] The Spotlight, August 28, 1995, September 4, 1995 and Smith's Report Number 26, September 1995 (a pro-Nazi publication).

[8] Trading With The Enemy : An Expose of the Nazi-American Money Plot,1933-1949 by Charles Higham, Dell, NY, 1983
Click for pricing & to buy  ==> Amazon.com 

[9] Ibid, pp 53-55

[10] Ibid, p 56

[11] Ibid, p 58

[12] The Secret War against the Jews, pp166-170

[13] Ibid. p 221

[14] Ibid. pp 221-222

[15] Ibid., pp 222-223

[16] Ibid., pp 122-123

[17] Ibid., pp 224-225

[18] High Treason, by Robert J. Groden and Harrison Edward Livingstone, pp. 417-418

[19] Old Nazis, the New Right and the Reagan Administration: The Role of Domestic Fascists Networks in the Republican Party and their Effects on U.S. Cold War Politics, monograph by Russ Bellant, Political Research Associates, Cambridge MA
An excellent, very well researched monograph.  Must have. Click for pricing & to buy  ==> Amazon.com 

[20] The Secret War against the Jews, pp 496-497

[21] Ibid., pp 505-506

[22] Ibid., pp 506

[23] Ibid., pp 508-509

Bibliography

See an interesting series of articles by Robert Lederman for several analyses of the pervasive effects of the US - Nazi alliance at http://Baltech.org/lederman/

Robert Lederman is an artist, a regular columnist for the Greenwich Village Gazette, The Shadow, The African Sun Times, The Vigo-Examiner, and Street News, and is the author of hundreds of published essays concerning Mayor Rudolph Giuliani. Lederman has been falsely arrested 41 times to date (10/10/00) for his anti-Giuliani activities and has never been convicted of any of the charges. He is best known for creating hundreds of paintings of Mayor Giuliani as a Hitler like dictator.

Nixon and the Nazis

From http://groups.yahoo.com/group/TheNeuschwabenlandTimes/message/9

RICHARD MILHOUSE NIXON

In this section we will explore the Nazi connections of Richard Nixon. To do so we must return to the years just after the end of World War II and, of course, a man named Dulles. The irony of Nixon's political career ending with a cover-up can only be appreciated with the knowledge that this turbulent career also began with one. Loftus and Aarons state that:


"According to several of our sources among the 'old spies,' Richard Nixon's political career began in 1945, when he was the navy officer temporarily assigned to review . . . captured Nazi documents."   The documents in question revealed the wartime record of Karl Blessing, "former Reichsbank officer and then head of the Nazi oil cartel, Kontinentale Ol A.G. 'Konti' was in partnership with Dulles's principal Nazi client, I.G. Farben. Both companies had despicable records regarding their treatment of Jews during the Holocaust. After the war Dulles not only 'lost' Blessings Nazi party records, but he helped peddle a false biography in the ever-gullible 'New York Times.'"


The authors' sources reveal that not only did Dulles help cover up his Nazi client's record, he "personally vouched for Blessing as an anti-Nazi in order to protect continued control of German oil interests in the Middle East. Blessing's Konti was the Nazi link to Iben Saud [King of Saudi Arabia] and Aramco [the Arabian-American Oil Company]. If Blessing went down, he could have taken a lot of people with him, including Allen Dulles. The cover-up worked, except that U.S. Naval Intelligence scrutinized a set of the captured Konti records."

According to the "old spies," Allen Dulles made a deal with the young navy officer who was reviewing the Konti files - Richard Nixon. Nixon would help Dulles bury the Konti files. In return, Allen Dulles "arranged to finance [Nixon's] first congressional campaign against Jerry Voorhis." (1)

Dulles's support for Nixon paid off in 1947 when, as the freshman congressman from California, he "saved John Foster Dulles considerable embarrassment by privately pointing out that confidential government files showed that one of Foster's foundation employees, Alger Hiss, was allegedly a Communist. The Dulles brothers took Nixon under their wing and escorted him on a tour of Fascist 'freedom fighter' operations in Germany, apparently in anticipation that the young congressman would be useful after Dewey became president." [He would be useful anyway, despite the fact that incumbent President Truman won reelection in 1948, defeating Dewey.] (2)

After Truman's victory, write the authors, "Nixon became Allen Dulles's mouthpiece in Congress. Both he and Senator Joseph McCarthy received volumes of classified information to support the charge that the Truman administration was filled with 'pinkos.' When McCarthy went too far in his Communist investigations, it was Nixon who worked with his next-door neighbor, CIA director Bedell Smith, to steer the investigations away from the intelligence community.

"The CIA was grateful for Nixon's assistance, but did not know the reason for it. Dulles had been recruiting Nazis under the cover of the State Department's Office of Policy Coordination, whose chief, Frank Wisner, had systematically recruited the Eastern European emigre networks that had worked first for the SS, then the British, and finally Dulles.

"The CIA did not know it, but Dulles was bringing them to the United States less for intelligence purposes than for political advantage. The Nazis' job quickly became to get out the vote for the Republicans. One Israeli intelligence officer joked that when Dulles used the phrase 'Never Again,' he was not talking about the Holocaust but about Dewey's narrow loss to Truman. In the eyes of the Israelis, Allen Dulles was the demon who infected Western intelligence with Nazi recruits.

"In preparation for the 1952 Eisenhower-Nixon campaign, the Republicans formed an Ethnic Division, which, to put it bluntly, recruited the 'displaced Fascists' who arrived in the United States after World War II. Like similar migrant organizations in several Western countries, the Ethnic Division attracted a significant number of Central and Eastern European Nazis, who had been recruited by the SS as political and police leaders during the Holocaust. These Fascist emigres supported the Eisenhower-Nixon 'liberation' policy as the quickest means of getting back into power in their former homelands and made a significant contribution 'in its first operation (1951/1952).'"

The authors point out that "over the years the Democrats had acquired one or two Nazis of their own, such as Tscherim Soobzokov, a former member of the Caucasian SS who worked as a party boss in New Jersey. But in 90 percent of the cases, the members of Hitler's political organization went to the Republicans. In fact, from the very beginning, the word had been put around among Eastern European Nazis that Dulles and Nixon were the men to see, especially if you were a rich Fascist . . ."

This relationship between Richard Nixon and the Nazis developed because both he and Allen Dulles "blamed Governor Dewey's razor-thin loss to Truman in the 1948 presidential election on the Jewish vote. When [Nixon] became Eisenhower's vice president in 1952, Nixon was determined to build his own ethnic base.

"Vice President Nixon's secret political war of Nazis investigated at the time. The foreign language-speaking Croatian and other Fascist emigre groups had a ready-made network for contacting and mobilizing the Eastern European ethnic bloc. There is a very high correlation between CIA domestic subsidies to Fascist 'freedom fighters' during the 1950s and the leadership of the Republican party's ethnic campaign groups. The motive for under-the-table financing was clear: Nixon used Nazis to offset the Jewish vote for the Democrats. "In 1952 Nixon had formed an Ethnic Division within the Republican National Committee. 'Displaced Fascists, hoping to be returned to power by an Eisenhower-Nixon "liberation" policy signed on' with the committee. In 1953, when Republicans were in office, the immigration laws were changed to admit Nazis, even members of the SS. They flooded into the country. Nixon himself oversaw the new immigration program. As vice president, he even received Eastern European Fascists in the White House. After a long, long journey, the Croatian Nazis had found a new home in the United States, where they reestablished their networks.

"In 1968 Nixon promised that if he won the presidential election, he would create a permanent ethnic council within the Republican party. Previously the Ethnic Division was allowed to surface only during presidential campaigns. Nixon's promise was carried out after the 1972 election, during [George] Bush's tenure as chairman of the Republican National Committee. The Croatian Ustashis became an integral part of the campaign structure of Republican politics, along with several other Fascist organizations." (4) The authors describe Nixon's pro-Nazi activities in no uncertain terms: "Nixon himself personally recruited ex-Nazis for his 1968 presidential campaign. Moreover, Vice President Nixon became the point man for the Eisenhower administration on covert operations and personally supervised Allen Dulles's projects while Ike was ill in 1956 and 1957." (5) One of the Nazis recruited by candidate Nixon was Laszlo Pasztor, described by Aarons and Loftus as "the founding chair of Nixon's Republican Heritage Groups council" who, "during World War II . . . was a diplomat in Berlin representing the Arrow Cross government of Nazi Hungary, which supervised the extermination of the Jewish population.

"After Nixon won [the 1968 Presidential Election], he approved Pasztor's appointment as chief organizer of the ethnic council. Not surprisingly, Pasztor's 'choices for filling emigre slots as the council was being formed included various Nazi collaborationist organizations.' The former Fascists were coming out of the closet in droves. "The policy of the Nixon White House was an 'open door' for emigre Fascists, and through the door came such guests as Ivan Docheff, head of the Bulgarian National Front and chairman of the American Friends of the Anti-Bolshevik Bloc of Nations (ABN). . . . an organization dominated by war criminals and fugitive Fascists. Yet Nixon welcomed them with open arms and even had Docheff to breakfast for a prayer meeting to celebrate Captive Nations Week." (6)

"During Nixon's 'Four More Years' campaign in 1971-1972, Laszlo Pasztor again played a key role in marshaling the ethnic vote. No longer a marginal player on the fringes, now he held a key position as the Republican National Committee's nationalities director.

"The Republican leadership cannot claim ignorance as a defense. [Syndicated Columnist Jack] Anderson's famous expose of Nixon's Nazis appeared in 'The Washington Post' at the same time as the November 1971 convention. Among those mentioned was Laszlo Pasztor, 'the industrious head of the GOP ethnic groups, [who] was never asked about his wartime activities in Hungary by the four GOP officials who interviewed him for his job.' It was too embarrassing for Nixon to admit that Pasztor had been a ranking member of a Fascist government at war with the United States.

". . . . It is one thing to promote obscure Eastern European Fascist movements in the Republican party. It is quite another to let the German Nazis have a major influence. After 1953, the Republican administration changed the rules, and even members of the Waffen SS could immigrate to the United States as long as they claimed only to have fought the Communists on the Eastern Front." (7)

The Republican/Nixon attraction to Nazism was also observed by Robert J. Groden and Harrison Edward Livingstone, authors of the book, "High Treason," dealing with the Kennedy Assassination. Groden and Livingstone write: "Nixon surrounded himself with what was known as the Berlin Wall, a long succession of advisors with Germanic names: We recall at the top of his 'German General Staff' as it was also known, Haldeman, Erlichman, Krogh, Kliendienst, Kissinger (the Rockefellers' emissary) and many others.

"The selection of German names was no accident. Many of the brighter staff people close to Nixon came to him from the University of Southern California, and the University of California at Los Angeles, where there were fraternities that kept alive the vision of a new Reich. America has for a long time harbored this dark side of its character, one of violence and the Valhalla of Wagner and Hitler.

"But Gordon Liddy was the one in whose mind 'Triumph of the Will' was the most alive. Some of these men would watch the great Nazi propaganda films in the basement of the White House until all hours of the night, and drink, in fact, get drunk with their power, with blind ambition, as one of them wrote." (8)

"According to several of our sources in the intelligence community who were in a position to know," continue Loftus and Aarons, "the secret rosters of the Republican party's Nationalities Council read like a Who's Who of Fascist fugitives. The Republican's Nazi connection is the darkest secret of the Republican leadership. The rosters will never be disclosed to the public. As will be seen in Chapter 16 dealing with George Bush, the Fascist connection is too widespread for damage control.

"According to a 1988 study by Russ Bellant of Political Research Associates, virtually all of the Fascist organizations of World War II opened up a Republican party front group during the Nixon administration. The caliber of the Republican ethnic leaders can be gauged by one New Jersey man, Emanuel Jasiuk, a notorious mass murderer from what is today called the independent nation of Belarus, formerly part of the Soviet Union. But not all American ethnic communities are represented in the GOP's ethnic section; there are no black or Jewish heritage groups. . . .

"The truth is that the Nazi immigrants were 'tar babies' that no one knew how to get rid of. Dulles had brought in a handful of the top emigre politicians in the late 1940s. They in turn sponsored their friends in the 1950s. By the 1960s ex-Nazis who had originally fled to Argentina were moving to the United States. . .." (9)

It is clear that, even before the break-in at the Democratic Party Headquarters on June 17, 1972, the Republicans were on the brink of having their pro-Nazi activities over the past four decades become a matter of mass-media attention. After the Watergate Break-in, as the Congressional Hearings began to reveal the slush-funds, money-laundering, illegal corporate campaign contributions, the political sabotage of the 1972 Presidential election process, the involvement of ITT and the Nixon Administration into the assassination of Salvador Allende, the democratically elected president of Chile, and many other aspects of Nixonism, the floodgates of truth were about to open. Only one thing averted this wholesale learning of the truth by the American people: Nixon's resignation and subsequent pardoning by his hand-picked successor, Gerald Ford.

   NOTES: RICHARD MILHOUSE NIXON

       1. The Secret War Against the Jews, p. 221
       2. Ibid., pp. 221-222
       3. Ibid., pp. 222-223
       4. Ibid., pp. 122-123
       5. Ibid., pp. 224-225
       6. Ibid., pp. 297-298
       7. Ibid., pp. 298-299
       8. High Treason, Robert J. Groden and Harrison Edward
          Livingstone, pp. 417-418
       9. The Secret War Against the Jews, pp. 300-301

Nazis in the attic, part 6 By Randy Davis: GEORGE HERBERT WALKER BUSH
http://emperors-clothes.com/articles/randy/swas5.htm
Has interesting information on Nixon

How Nixon Actually Got Into Power by Mae Brussell  (from The Realist, August 1972)
Nice material!

Under Cover—My Four Years in the Nazi Underworld in America

The Rockefeller Empire AfroCubaWeb

A Black Cop
Tries To Break the Code of Silence in New Jersey, 7/14/99

Against the Blue Wall: A Black Cop Tries To Break the Code of Silence in New Jersey
by Peter Noel
Village Voice, July 14 - 20, 1999

The leader of an activist black law-enforcement group‹regarded by admirers as an avenging Shaka Zulu with a 9 millimeter is urging African American troopers to jam media switchboards with accounts of "sanctioned racial profiling" by the mostly white New Jersey State Police hierarchy.

The appeal from De Lacy D. Davis, an East Orange Police Department sergeant, who heads Black Cops Against Police Brutality, comes in the wake of last week's ruling by a judge who threw out a state police edict that threatened discipline for troopers who did unauthorized interviews with reporters. "I encourage the troopers to speak out as loudly, and as often as possible," says Davis, "because although the dam is going to be lowered on the 'Blue Wall of Silence,' some of its defenders will be rushing to make repairs to it as soon as they spot a leak."

In a landmark decision, state Superior Court Judge Anthony Parrillo found that while police agencies may control the release of confidential information, the New Jersey State Police had imposed an overly broad rule, which crushed free-speech rights, as a way to avoid embarrassment. The ruling was sought by trooper Samuel Davis and 12 black colleagues who filed a discrimination lawsuit in federal court claiming they were denied permission to give interviews about the controversy over racial
profiling and mistreatment of minority motorists. "The ruling gives us an opportunity to hear once bottled-up truth aired again, and we will give the black troopers our full support to get their message out," Davis vows.

The 37-year-old activist also is speaking out about beatings in police custody, an aspect of the blue wall he's been chipping away at with no results until now. Three years ago, Davis claims, he witnessed a detective forcibly attempt to remove a prisoner fom the lobby of the East Orange Municipal Courthouse. While one officer intervened to stop the confrontation, no one except Davis reported it. Because he had broken the code of silence, Davis alleges, the detective, Victor Tucker, harassed and threatened him, eventually telling him, "I'm gonna take your gun and stick it up your ass!" (Sergeant John LeGates of the East Orange Police Department's Professional Standards Unit would neither confirm nor deny
whether Tucker, a 13-year veteran, has had previous brutality complaints filed against him. "You'll have to get a court order for that," LeGates told the Voice.) In a 1997 report to internal affairs, Davis charged that his complaint of misconduct against Tucker "was discovered on the floor in police headquarters"‹ three months after he'd filed it. Davis had run up against the wall.

In April of this year, after FBI agents seized records and other items from the Orange Police Department‹ as part of federal and state investigations into the case of a man who died in custody during the search for the killer of a black female cop‹ Davis felt that his national crusade against police custodial beatings and mistreatment of minority prisoners finally would be acknowledged. Nearly three months later, Davis cautiously declares that years of persistent protests may be paying off.
According to the activist‹ who was featured in a Nightline documentary on police racial practices‹ guilty consciencesand tied tongues, particularly in New Jersey law-enforcement circles, finally are succumbing to an outcry for justice. On July 1, nine Newark police officers were suspended, allegedly for beating a prisoner and provoking other detainees to assault him by telling them that the man, who was awaiting trial, had sexually assaulted a juvenile. Appearing at a news conference, grim-faced police director Joseph J. Santiago declared that the department would not condone "blue walls of silence," adding that an internal investigation, when completed, will be forwarded to the Essex County prosecutor to determine whether criminal charges against the officers should be pursued. "We will not tolerate brutality; we will not tolerate silence about brutal-ity," Santiago said.

Despite speculation that the officers "ratted" on each other, Davis does not share Santiago's exuberance about demolishing the blue wall. "The blue wall is hardening," he contends. "There are those who believe that it is crumbling; I argue that the wall is not crumbling. It's just that some truth is able to seep through the bricks in mortar that has not dried yet."

Disclosure about the assault on the alleged pedophile, who is Latino, comes amid heightened concern in New Jersey about police treatment of minorities. Federal civil rights prosecutors have been negotiating a possible settlement with the state regarding racial profiling by state troopers. Activists like Davis also have been prodding the Justice Department to investigate the circumstances of a chase and fatal shooting last month of a black motorist by state and local police in Parsippany.
In addition, a grand jury has been investigating two troopers who shot at four unarmed minority men during a traffic stop on the New Jersey Turnpike in April 1998.

Across the Hudson, Davis is closely monitoring the case of Yvette Walton, a 12-year NYPD veteran who was fired a half hour after she testified before the City Council on April 19 that her old outfit, the mostly white Street Crime Unit, discriminated against black and Hispanic officers and routinely violated citizens' rights by searching them without justification. Last month, Walton filed a federal lawsuit against the city, charging that she was dismissed in retaliation for criticizing the department. Davis claims that for four years, East Orange police brass denied him a promotion partly because he has spoken out against a pattern
of civil rights violations in police departments nationwide. In 1997, then chief Harry Harmon, who is black, allegedly tried to muzzle Davis, who had been writing a scathing series of articles about alleged police misconduct entitled "Breaking the Blue Code of Silence" in the weekly Citizen. Davis had charged that Harmon "ordered" Captain Peter Biggiani to pressure him to reveal the sources for his exposés. In a July 2, 1997, memo to Biggiani, Davis charged that targeting him was "an attempt by
this agency to harass me and circumvent [a judge's] court order restraining any acts of retaliation."

Lieutenant Kevin Hopkins, a spokesman for the East Orange Police Department, says he will look into Davis's allegation. Harmon, who is no longer with the department, could not be reached for comment. In the memo, Davis noted that his role as regional president of the National Black Police Association made him more "aware of many abuses in law enforcement around the country." His sources, Davis taunted, are well known to the department. "Regarding racist cops, my [source] is Mark
Furhman from the Los Angeles PD, drug-using cops, and other [abusers] in law enforcement," he wrote. "My references [include] officers in the NYPD, and Michael Dowd's testimony before the Mollen Commission."

Davis suggested that the department was not interested in credible sources such as cops who identified themselves to internal affairs after witnessing the confrontation between himself and Officer Tucker. Tension had been mounting between Davis and Tucker after Davis injected himself into a dispute with a prisoner. In a report to internal affairs, Davis said that on October 23, 1996, while in the lobby of the East Orange Municipal Courthouse, he was distracted by angry banter between Officer
William Phillips and the prisoner, Michael Grudger. He said he asked both the officer and the prisoner "to quiet down" but their voices grew louder. "Eventually . . . Officer Victor Tucker grabbed Mr. Grudger from behind and attempted to pull him from the lobby. . . .," Davis claimed. "The citizen repeatedly told Officer Tucker that he did not want to leave
the building. Officer Phillips grabbed Officer Tucker and advised him to release Mr. Grudger. Officer Tucker eventually complied and Officer Phillips escorted Tucker out of the building."

Davis said that after he reported Tucker's alleged misconduct to internal affairs, Tucker began to harass him. On June 3, 1997, they came face to face at a packed assembly room at police headquarters. "Since you are such a brother, maybe you will give a copy of the reports that you filed on me," Davis quoted Tucker as saying in a complaint he submitted shortly after the incident. When Davis told Tucker he could get copies from internal affairs, "the detective became irate, loud, and boisterous with me. He began to curse and shout that he was going to 'kick my ass,' that I 'wasn't shit.' " During the altercation, Davis said that he feared Tucker would carry out his threat to disarm him of his gun and shove it
up his rectum.

At least three three other officers backed up Davis's version in writing. In his statement, Officer Gary Griffin said Tucker was the aggressor. "Detective Tucker used many obscenities [such as] 'You ain't shit.' Detective Tucker then [challenged] Officer Davis to meet him at a private place to confront him. Officer Davis responded, 'If you're not guilty, you'll win in court.' " Davis's remark infuriated Tucker, who, according to Griffin, "had to be physically removed by Officer Charles Hall and
others." Tucker, Griffin added, "returned an additional three times to confront Officer Davis. Each time he had to be physically removed by at least two officers."

In their last encounter, Griffin recalled, Tucker told Davis that although he was unarmed, that he had "no cuffs and no gun," he would take Davis's own gun and sodomize him with it. "Officer Tucker was hostile in his mannerism, both vocally and physically, commissioning Officer Davis to step outside," Hall said in his statement. "The two officers exchanged words several times but nothing physical came about. There were several officers in the assembly room at the time along with Sergeant LeGates and
Lieutenant Gloria Oliver."

Grudger and Tucker eventually dropped charges against each other. But Tucker was later convicted of "making terroristic threats" against Davis, a clerk at the East Orange Municipal Court confirms. He was originally fined $500, but that was suspended and he wound up paying $127. "Although he was found guilty, the department did nothing to him because it was
covering for him," Davis charges.

A law-enforcement insider, who is familiar with the former case against Tucker, told the Voice, "it would seem that an administrative hearing would have followed after a conviction like that. There was none. You could infer from that that somebody was protecting someone."

Additional reporting: Karen Mahabir
www.villagevoice.com/features/9928/noel.shtml

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